History of the Soviet Union (1953–1985)
Cold Warensued as the USSR and the United States struggled indirectly for influence around the world.
De-Stalinization and the Khrushchev era
Nikita Khrushchev"After Stalindied in March 1953, he was succeeded by Nikita Khrushchevas First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and Georgi Malenkovas Premier of the Soviet Union. However the central figure in the immediate post-Stalin period was the former head of the state security apparatus, Lavrentiy Beria.
Beria, despite his record as part of Stalin's terror state, initiated a period of relative liberalisation, including the release of some political prisoners. However, other members of the collective leadership feared and hated Beria for his role under Stalin and, with the support of the armed forces, had him arrested and eventually shot. In the post-Beria period Khrushchev rapidly began to emerge as the key figure.
The new leadership declared an amnesty for some serving prison sentences for criminal offences, announced price cuts, and relaxed the restrictions on private plots. De−Stalinization also spelled an end to the role of large-scale forced labor in the economy.
During a period of collective leadership, Khrushchev gradually rose to power. At a speech "
On the Personality Cult and its Consequences"" to the closed session of the Twentieth Party Congressof the CPSU, February 25, 1956, Khrushchev shocked his listeners by denouncing Stalin's dictatorial rule and cult of personality. He also attacked the crimes committed by Stalin's closest associates.
The impact on Soviet politics was immense. This de-Stalinization had a huge impact on the people. The speech stripped the legitimacy of his remaining Stalinist rivals, dramatically boosting his power domestically. Afterwards, Khrushchev eased restrictions, freeing millions of political prisoners (the
Gulagpopulation declined from 13 million in 1953 to 5 million in 1956–57, and a vast majority of the remaining inmates were common criminals)Facts|date=February 2007.
Khrushchev initiated "The Thaw" better known as
Khrushchev's Thaw, a complex shift in political, cultural and economic life in the Soviet Union. That included some openness and contact with other nations and new social and economic policies with more emphasis on commodity goods, allowing living standards to rise dramatically while maintaining high levels of economic growth. Censorship was relaxed as well. Some subtle critiques of the Soviet society was tolerated, and the artists were not expected to produce only works which had government-approved political context. Still, artists, most of whom were proud of both the country and the Party, were careful not to get into trouble.
Such loosening of controls also caused an enormous impact on the Soviet Union's satellites in Central Europe, many of which were resentful of Soviet influence in their affairs. Riots broke out in Poland in the summer of 1956, which led to reprisals from national forces there. A political convulsion soon followed, leading to the rise of
Władysław Gomułkato power in October. This almost triggered a Soviet invasion when Polish Communists elected him without consulting the Kremlin in advance, but in the end, Khrushchev backed down due to Gomułka's widespread popularity in the country. Poland would still remain a member of the Warsaw Pact (established a year earlier), and in return, the Soviet Union seldom intervened in its neighbours' domestic and external affairs.
In the same year, the
1956 Hungarian uprisingwas brutally suppressed by Soviet troops. About 25,000 to 50,000 Hungarian insurgents and 7,000 Soviet troops were killed, thousands more were wounded, and nearly a quarter million left the country as refugees. The Hungarian uprising was a blow to Communists in Western countries; many who had formerly supported the Soviet Union began to criticise it in the wake of the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian uprising.
The following year Khrushchev defeated a concerted Stalinist attempt to recapture power, decisively defeating the so−called "
Anti-Party Group". This event also illustrated the new nature of Soviet politics—the most decisive attack on the Stalinists was delivered by defense minister Georgy Zhukov, and the implied threat to the plotters was clear; however, none of the "anti−party group" were killed: Georgy Malenkovwas posted to manage a power station in Kazakhstan, and another, Vyacheslav Molotov, became ambassador to Mongolia.
Khrushchev became Premier on
March 27, 1958, consolidating his power — the tradition followed by all his predecessors and successors. This was the final stage in the transition from the earlier period of post-Stalin collective leadership. However, Khrushchev was never in the position of Stalin as the unchallenged and unchallengeable leader.
The ten-year period that followed Stalin's death also witnessed the reassertion of political power over the means of coercion. During this time, in Soviet Russia, secret police and army were ruled by the political party.
Aid to developing countries and scientific research, especially into space technology and weaponry, maintained the Soviet Union as one of the world's two major world powers. The Soviet Union launched the first ever artificial earth satellite in history,
Sputnik 1, which orbited the earth in 1957. The Soviets also sent the first man into space, Yuri Gagarin, in 1961.
Khrushchev outmaneuvered his Stalinist rivals, but he was regarded by his political enemies — especially the emerging caste of professional technocrats — as a boorish peasant who would interrupt speakers to insult them.
Reforms and Khrushchev's fall
Throughout his years of leadership, Khrushchev attempted to carry out reform in a range of fields. The problems of Soviet agriculture, a major concern of Khrushchev's, had earlier attracted the attention of the collective leadership, which introduced important innovations in this area of the Soviet economy. The state encouraged
peasants to grow more on their private plots, increased payments for crops grown on collective farms, and invested more heavily in agriculture.
Virgin Lands Campaignin the mid−1950s, Khrushchev opened many tracts of land to farming in Kazakhstanand neighboring areas of Russia. These new farmlands turned out to be susceptible to droughts, but in some years they produced excellent harvests. Later agricultural reforms by Khrushchev, however, proved counterproductive. His plans for growing corn and increasing meatand dairyproduction failed, and his reorganization of collective farms into larger units produced confusion in the countryside.
In a politically motivated move to weaken the central state bureaucracy in
1957, Khrushchev did away with the industrial ministries in Moscow and replaced them with regional economic councils ( sovnarkhozes).
Although he intended these economic councils to be more responsive to local needs, the decentralization of industry led to disruption and inefficiency. Connected with this decentralization was Khrushchev's decision in
1962to recast party organizations along economic, rather than administrative, lines. The resulting bifurcation of the party apparatus into industrial and agricultural sectors at the oblast (province) level and below contributed to the disarray and alienated many party officials at all levels. Symptomatic of the country's economic difficulties was the abandonment in 1963of Khrushchev's special seven−year economic plan (1959–65) two years short of its completion.
In military policy Khrushchev relentlessly pursued a policy of developing the Soviet Union's missile forces with a view to reducing the size of the armed forces, thus freeing more young men for productive labour and releasing resources to develop the economy, especially consumer goods, more generally. This policy too proved personally controversial, alienating key figures in the Soviet military establishment and culminating in the fiasco (in Soviet eyes) of the Cuban missile crisis. Despite large reductions in Soviet military forces since 1956, the construction of the
Berlin Wall, made under initiative of the East German authorities, created a source of tension with the West.Khrushchev's boasts about Soviet missile forces provided John F. Kennedywith a key issue to use against Richard Nixonin the 1960 U.S. presidential election—the so−called ' Missile gap'. But all Khrushchev's (probably sincere) attempts to build a strong personal relationship with the new president failed, as his typical combination of bluster, miscalculation and mishap resulted in the Cuban fiasco. After the Berlin and Cuba crises, tensions tapered off between the two superpowers.
By 1964 Khrushchev's prestige had been damaged in a number of areas. While industrial production, living standards and consumer goods were still growing at a very rapid pace, the agricultural sector faced a bad harvest in 1963. Abroad, the split with China, the construction of the
Berlin Wall, and the Cuban missile crisishurt the Khrushchev's own prestige in his own country, and his efforts to improve relations with the West antagonized many in the military. Lastly, the 1962 party reorganization caused turmoil throughout the Soviet political chain of command.In October of 1964, while Khrushchev was on holiday in Crimea, the Presidium voted him out of office and refused to permit him to take his case to the Central Committee. Khrushchev retired as a private citizen after his successors denounced him for his "hare−brained schemes, half−baked conclusions, and hasty decisions." However, Khrushchev must also be remembered for his public disavowal of Stalinism, significant liberalization in the country, and the greater flexibility he brought to Soviet leadership.
Stagnation and the Brezhnev era
After 1964, CPSU First Secretary
Leonid Brezhnevand Premier Alexsey Kosyginemerged as the most influential cadres in the new collective leadership. Eager to avoid Khrushchev's failures, Brezhnev and Kosygin, who represented a new generation of post−revolutionary professional technocrats, conducted state and party affairs in a discreet, cautious manner.
By the mid−1960s, the Soviet Union was a complex industrialized society with an intricate division of labor and with complex interconnection of industries over a huge geographical expanse that had reached military parity with the Western powers. Social and political reforms were however largely stopped, which led to the emergence of the term "stagnation" or, more precisely, "standstill" ( _ru. застой, "zastoy", "
Brezhnev stagnation") in reference to this period of Soviet history.
As far as the economy is concerned, when the
First Five-Year Plandrafted by " Gosplan" established centralized planning as the basis of economic decision−making ("see" Overview of the Soviet economic planning process), the Soviet Union was still largely an agrarian nation lacking the complexities of a highly industrialized one. Thus, its goals, namely augmenting the country's industrial base, were those of extensive growth or the mobilization of resources. At a high human cost, due in large part to prison labor, and the effective militarization of factories, the Soviet Union forged a modern, highly industrialized economy more rapidly than any other nation beforehand.
Under Brezhnev's tutelage, the Soviet economy still had not yet exhausted its capacity for growth. The Soviet Union improved living standards by doubling urban wages and raising rural wages by around 75%, building millions of one−family apartments, and manufacturing large quantities of consumer goods and home appliances.
Industrial output also increased by 75%, and the Soviet Union became the world's largest producer of oil and
steel. The nearly thirty years following Stalin's death in 1953 were the best period in the history of the Soviet Union for the ordinary citizen in terms of steadily rising living standards, stability, and peace. The dictatorship existing during the reign of Stalin had expired, being replaced by a noticeably milder, authoritarian regime. Despite emerging problems, the late seventies and early eighties - Brezhnev's last years in office - saw the peak of economical improvement with wages and living standards being quite high. Overall, his era is constantly referred to as stable and calm.
Terror, famines, and world war were largely horrific memories while the tide of history appeared to be turning in favor of the Soviet Union. The
United Stateswas mired in economic recession resulting from the OPECoil embargo, inflationcaused by excessive government expenditures for the Vietnam War. Meanwhile, Moscow was able to advance state interests by gaining strategic footholds abroad as pro−Soviet regimes were making great strides, especially in the Third World. North Vietnamhad conquered South Vietnam, becoming a united Communist Statewhile other Marxist insurgencies were spreading rapidly across Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America.
Problems of economic planning
:"See also: Soviet economic development."
During the later years of the Brezhnev era, however, the Soviet economy began to stagnate and the population increasingly began demanding greater quantities of consumer goods.
In the postwar years, the Soviet economy had entered a period of intensive growth (based on productivity improvements), with a new set of challenges from those of the extensive growth (mobilization of capital and labor) of the Stalinist era.
As the Soviet economy grew more complex, it required more and more complex disaggregation of control figures (plan targets) and factory inputs. As it required more communication between the enterprises and the planning ministries, and as the number of enterprises, trusts, and ministries multiplied, the Soviet economy started stagnating. The Soviet economy was increasingly sluggish when it came to responding to change, adapting cost−saving technologies, and providing incentives at all levels to improve growth, productivity and efficiency.
At the enterprise level, managers were often more preoccupied with institutional careerism than with improving productivity. They received fixed wages and only received incentives for plan fulfillment on the basis of job security, bonuses, and benefits like special clinics and private dachas. Managers received such benefits when targets were over−fulfilled, but when, for instance, they were "greatly" over−fulfilled, they only saw their control figures increased.
Hence, there was an incentive to exceed targets, but not by much. Enterprises often understated capacity in order to bargain for more advantageous plan targets or control figures with the ministries (targets that, of course, would be easier to implement).
Another problem was that production quotas usually stipulated the quantity of goods to be produced by a given factory but not the quality. Therefore managers were often tempted to meet their production quotas by sacrificing the quality of the goods they produced. Thus much of the output of the Soviet economy was of very low quality by international standards. This led to the frequent problems of badly made machinery breaking down, and disrupting the rest of the economy.
Planning was also very rigid; plant managers were not able to deviate from the plan and were allocated certain funds for certain capital and labor inputs. As a result, plant managers could not improve productivity by laying−off unnecessary workers due to such labor controls. There was substantial underemployment due to controls in plans drafted during collective bargaining between enterprises and ministries.
At the enterprise level, incentives were lacking for the application of price−saving technology. Planners would often reward consumers with lower prices, rather than rewarding the enterprise for its productivity gains. In other words, technological innovation would often fail to make the industry more profitable for those who had a stake in it.
The Khrushchev and Brezhnev years saw concessions to consumers: wages for workers were relatively high, while prices were kept down at artificially−low administratively−set levels. Yet income levels rose far more rapidly than price levels, despite slow productivity gains. As a result, supply shortages were increasingly common.
The arms race was another drain on the consumer economy. With a GDP that rarely exceeded 70% of that of the US, the Soviets faced an uneven burden in the arms race, forcing the country to devote a far higher share of their society's resources to the defense sector.
Calls for reform
As the political atmosphere gradually moved toward becoming more relaxed since de−Stalinization, a reform movement high up party ranks was still able to survive the ouster of Khrushchev in 1964.
Most remarkably, the market−oriented reforms of 1965, based on the ideas of Soviet economist
Evsei Liberman, and backed by Soviet Prime Minister Alexsey Kosygin, were an attempt to revamp the economic system and cope with problems increasingly evident at the enterprise level. The Kosygin reforms called for giving industrial enterprises more control over their own production−mix and some flexibility over wages. Moreover, they sought to turn the enterprises' economic objectives toward making a profit, allowing them to put a proportion of profit into their own funds.
Until the late 1960s the Soviet Union was still sustaining higher rates of growth than the Western powers. With this in mind, some Soviet and Russia specialists have argued that the Kosygin Reforms of 1965 — not Gorbachev's reforms in the 1980s — were the last chance to spare the leadership of the Soviet administrative command economy and to spare the population of the hardships that would surface in the late 1970s.
However, the style of the new leadership posed some problems for its own reform policies. The collective leadership sought to reconcile the interests of many different sectors of the state, party, and economic bureaucracy. As a result, the planning ministries and the military — the sectors most threatened by Kosygin's reforms — were able to obstruct efforts for reform considerably.
Fearing a move away from detailed central planning and control from above, the planning ministries — whose numbers were proliferating rapidly — fought back and protected their old powers. The ministries controlled supplies and rewarded performance, and were thus a formidable element of Soviet society. To maintain their grip over industry, planners started issuing more detailed instructions that retarded the reforms, impeding the freedom of action of the enterprises.
Kosygin, meanwhile, lacked the strength and the support to counteract their influence. Since these reforms were aimed at increasing productivity by pushing aside surplus labor, support from workers was minimal. Although enterprise management stood to gain the most from the reforms, their support was lukewarm, given their fears that the reforms would eventually falter.
Finally, by 1968, there was the unfortunate example of the
Prague Springin Czechoslovakia, where a period of political liberalization came to an end on August 20, when 200,000 Warsaw Pacttroops and 5,000 tanks invaded the country, following the Brezhnev Doctrine.
By the early 1970s, the party's power vis−à−vis the economic bureaucracy and the military was weakening considerably. Momentum for economic and political reform stalled considerably until the rise of
Mikhail Gorbachevin the mid−1980s.
1980a reformist movement in Poland, Solidarity, was suppressed when the communist government leader, Wojciech Jaruzelski, declared martial law, fearing that the continued Solidarity−led protest could trigger a similar Soviet intervention as Czechoslovakia experienced during the Prague Spring. However, Solidarity survived the year of martial law and would continue to undermine Soviet influence.
1982the stagnation of the Soviet economy was obvious, as evidenced by the fact that the Soviet Union had been importing grain from the U.S. throughout the 1970s, but the system was not yet ready for drastic change. The transition period that separated the Brezhnev and Gorbachev eras resembled the former much more than the latter, although hints of reform emerged as early as 1983.
The Andropov interregnum
Two days passed between Brezhnev's death and the announcement of the election of
Yuri Andropovas the new General Secretary, suggesting to many outsiders that a power struggle had occurred in the Kremlin. Once in power, however, Andropov wasted no time in promoting his supporters. In June 1983, he assumed the post of chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, thus becoming the ceremonial head of state. It had taken Brezhnev thirteen years to acquire this post. During his short rule, Andropov replaced more than one−fifth of the Soviet ministers and regional party first secretaries and more than one−third of the department heads within the Central Committee apparatus. As a result, he replaced the aging leadership with younger, more dynamic administrators. But Andropov's ability to reshape the top leadership was constrained by his poor health and the influence of his rival Konstantin Chernenko, who had previously supervised personnel matters in the Central Committee.
Andropov's domestic policy leaned heavily toward restoring discipline and order to Soviet society. He eschewed radical political and economic reforms, promoting instead a small degree of candor in politics and mild economic experiments similar to those that had been associated with Kosygin in the mid−1960s. In tandem with such economic experiments, Andropov launched an anticorruption drive that reached high into the government and party ranks. Andropov also tried to boost labor discipline.
In foreign affairs, Andropov continued Brezhnev's policies. U.S.−Soviet relations began deteriorating more rapidly in March
1983, when U.S. President Ronald Reagandubbed the Soviet Union an " evil empire." Soviet spokesmen decried Reagan's "bellicose, lunatic" anti-communism.
Andropov's health declined rapidly during the tense summer and fall of 1983, and he died in February
1984after disappearing from public view for several months. His most significant legacy to the Soviet Union was his discovery and promotion of Mikhail Gorbachev. Beginning in 1978, Gorbachev advanced in two years through the Kremlin hierarchy to full membership in the Politburo. His responsibilities for the appointment of personnel allowed him to make the contacts and distribute the favours necessary for a future bid to become general secretary. At this point, Western experts believed that Andropov was grooming Gorbachev as his successor. However, although Gorbachev acted as a deputy to the general secretary throughout Andropov's illness, Gorbachev's time had not yet arrived when his patron died early in 1984.
The Chernenko interregnum
Konstantin Chernenkowas in poor health and unable to play an active role in policy making when he was chosen, after lengthy discussion, to succeed Andropov. But Chernenko's short time in office did bring some significant policy changes. The personnel changes and investigations into corruption undertaken under Andropov's tutelage came to an end. Chernenko advocated more investment in consumer goods and services and in agriculture. He also called for a reduction in the CPSU's micromanagement of the economy and greater attention to public opinion. However, KGB repression of Soviet dissidents also increased.
Although Chernenko had called for renewed "
détente" with the West, little progress was made toward closing the rift in East−West relations during his rule. The Soviet Union boycotted the 1984 Summer Olympicsin Los Angeles, retaliating for the United States boycott of the 1980 Summer Olympicsin Moscow. In the late summer of 1984, the Soviet Union also prevented a visit to West Germanyby East German leader Erich Honecker. Fighting in Afghanistanalso intensified, but in the late autumn of 1984 the United States and the Soviet Union did agree to resume arms control talks in early 1985.
The poor state of Chernenko's health made the question of succession an acute one. Chernenko gave Gorbachev high party positions that provided significant influence in the Politburo, and Gorbachev was able to gain the vital support of Foreign Minister
Andrey Gromykoin the struggle for succession. When Chernenko died in March 1985, Gorbachev was well positioned to assume power.
*Baradat, Leon P., "Soviet Political Society", Prentice−Hall, New Jersey, 1986. ISBN 0-13-823592-9
*Nenarokov, Albert P., "Russia in the Twentieth Century: the View of a Soviet Historian", William Morrow Co, New York, 1968.
*Schapiro, Leonard, "The Communist Party of the Soviet Union", Vintage Books, New York, 1971. ISBN 0394-70745-1
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