Gudea was a ruler ("ensi") of the city of
Lagashin Southern Mesopotamiawho ruled ca. 2144 - 2124 BC. He probably did not come from the city, but had married Ninalla, daughter of the ruler Urbaba(2164 - 2144 BC) of Lagash, thus gaining entrance to the royal house of Lagash. He was succeeded by his son Ur-Ningirsu.
Inscriptions mention temples built by Gudea in
Ur, Nippur, Adab, Urukand Bad-Tibira. This indicates the growing influence of Gudea in Sumer. His predecessor Urbaba had already made his daughter Enanepadahigh priestess of Nannaat Ur, which indicates a great deal of political power as well.
Gudea chose the title of "ensi" (town-king or governor), not the more exalted "lugal" (Akkadian "sharrum"); though he did style himself "god of Lagash". Gudea claimed to have conquered
Elamand Anshan, but his inscriptions emphasize the building of irrigationchannels and temples, and the creation of precious gifts to the gods. Materials for his buildings and statues were brought from all parts of western Asia: cedarwood from the Amanusmountains, quarried stones from Lebanon, copperfrom northern Arabia, goldand precious stones from the desert between Canaanand Egypt, doleritefrom Magan(Oman), and timberfrom Dilmun(Bahrain).
As the power of the Akkadian empire waned, Lagaš again declared independence, this time under
Puzer-Mama, who declared himself "lugal," or king, of Lagaš. Thereafter, this title would not be associated with Lagaš, at least until the end of the Gudean period. Lagašite rulers, including Ur-Ningirsu and Ur-Bau, whose reigns predated Gudea, referred to themselves as "ensi," or governor, of Lagaš, and reserved the term "lugal" only for their gods or as a matter of rank in a relationship, but never as a political device. The continued use of "lugal" in reference to deities seems to indicate a conscious attempt on the parts of the rulers to assume a position of humility in relation to the world--whether this was honest humility or a political ploy is unknown.
tatues of Gudea
Twenty-six statues of Gudea have been found so far during excavations of
Adad-nadin-ahheand Telloh with most of the rest coming from the art trade (these having unknown provenances and sometimes doubtful authenticity). The early statues were made of limestone, steatiteand alabaster); later, when wide-ranging trade-connections had been established, the more costly exotic dioritewas used. Diorite had already been used by old Sumerian rulers (Statue of Entemena). These statues include inscriptions describing trade, rulership and religion.
The pleas to the gods under Gudea and his successors appear more creative and honest: whereas the Akkadian kings followed a rote pattern of cursing the progeny and tearing out the foundations of those that vandalize a
stele, the Lagašite kings send various messages. Times were violent after the Akkadian empire lost power over southern Mesopotamia, and the god receiving the most attention from Gudea was Ningirsu--a god of battle. Though there is only one mention of martial success on the part of Gudea, the many trappings of war which he builds for Ningirsu indicate a violent era. Southern Mesopotamian cities defined themselves through their worship, and the decision on Gudea’s part for Lagaš to fashion regalia of war for its gods is indicative of the temperament of the times.
Though obviously the foundation and progeny curse was not the only religious invocation by the political powers during the Akkadian empire, it demonstrates a certain standardization, and with it, stagnation, of the position of the gods that likely did not sit well with the people of Lagaš.
Ur-Ningirsu I, with whom the Gudean dynasty of Lagaš begins, leaves little in the way of inscriptions, and though some mention of various gods seems to indicate a more central role, it is not until Gudea that there can be a side by side comparison with the old curse of Sargon. The inscription on a statue of Gudea as architect of the House of Ningirsu (Dietz Otto Edzard, "Gudea and His Dynasty," pp. 31–38), warns the reader of doom if the words are altered, but there is a startling difference between the warnings of Sargon or his line and the warnings of Gudea. The one is length; Gudea’s curse lasts nearly a quarter of the inscription’s considerable length (pp. 36–38), and another is creativity. The gods will not merely reduce the offender’s progeny to ash and destroy his foundations, no, they will, “let him sit down in the dust instead of on the seat they set up for him”. He will be “slaughtered like a bull… seized like an aurochs by his fierce horn”. (p. 38)
But these differences, though demonstrating a Lagašite respect of religious figures simply in the amount of time and energy they required, is not as telling as the language Gudea uses to justify any punishment. Whereas Sargon or Naram-Sin simply demand punishment to any who change their words, based on their power, Gudea defends his words through
tradition, “since the earliest days, since the seed sprouted forth, no one was (ever) supposed to alter the utterance of a ruler of Lagaš who, after building the Eninnu for my lord Ningirsu, made things function as they should”. (p. 37) Changing the words of Naram-Sin, the living god, is treason, because he is the king. But changing the words of Gudea, simple governor of Lagaš, is unjust, because he made things work right.
The social reforms instituted during Gudea’s rulership, which included the cancellation of debts and allowing women to own family land, may have been honest reform or a return to old Lagašite custom.
His era was especially one of artistic development. But it was Ningirsu who received the majority of Gudea’s attention. Ningirsu the war god, for whom Gudea built maces,
spears, and axes, all appropriately named for the destructive power of Ningirsu—enormous and gilt.
In matters of trade, Lagash under Gudea had extensive commercial communications with distant realms. According to his own records, Gudea brought cedars from the Amanus and
Lebanonmountains in Syria, dioritefrom eastern Arabia, copperand goldfrom central and southern Arabia and from Sinai, while his armies were engaged in battles in Elamon the east.
Cylinder A, written after the life of Gudea, paints an attractive picture of southern Mesopotamia during the Lagaš supremacy. In it, “The
Elamitescame to him from Elam… loaded with wood on their shoulders… in order to build Ningirsu’s House” (p. 78), the general tone being one of brotherly love in an area that has known only regional conflict and rebellion.
However, the common intimation that Gudea was a peaceful ruler (as made by Edzard), who funded his projects through trade, ignores the attention paid to Ningirsu, as well as the martial nature of Southern Mesopotamia in general. While Gudea was not likely an
autocratwho ruled over all of Southern Mesopotamia, this part of the world was full of religious fervor and universal conflict.
Gudea built more than the House of Ningirsu, he restored tradition to Lagaš. His use of the title ‘ensi’, when he obviously held enough political influence, both in Lagaš and in the region, to justify ‘lugal’, demonstrates the same political tact as his emphasis on the power of the divine.
And it worked.
Ur-Ningirsu II, the next ruler of Lagaš, took as his title, “Ur-Ningirsu, ruler of Lagaš, son of Gudea, ruler of Lagaš, who had built Ningirsu’s house” (p. 183).
We have a fairly good idea of what Gudea looked like because he had his numerous statues or idols, depicting himself with unprecedented, lifelike realism, placed in temples throughout Sumer. Gudea took advantage of artistic development because he evidently wanted posterity thousands of years later to know what he looked like. And in that he has succeeded—a feat available to him as royalty but not to the common people who could not afford to have statues engraved of themselves.
More telling is the
deificationof Gudea, placing him, if not into the Pantheon, closer than your average person. Gudea, following Sargon, was one of the first rulers to claim divinity for himself, or have it claimed for him after his death. And because of this deification, it is not surprising to find what appear to be some of his exploits added to the epic cycle of the mythical Gilgamesh(N.K. Sandars, 1972, "The Epic of Gilgamesh").
Gudea naturally was a hard act to follow, and the influence of Lagaš declined, until it suffered the fate that defined Southern Mesopotamia, military defeat, this time to
Ur-Nammu, whose Third Dynasty of Urthen became the reigning power in Southern Mesopotamia.
* cite book
author=Edzard, Dietz Otto.
title=Gudea and His Dynasty
publisher=University of Toronto Press Incorporated. Toronto, Buffalo, London.
* cite book
author=Frayne, Douglas R.
title=Sargonic and Gutian Periods
publisher=University of Toronto Press Incorporated. Toronto, Buffalo, London.
* cite web
last = Black
first = J.A.
coauthors = Cunningham, G., Fluckiger-Hawker, E, Robson, E., and Zólyomi, G.
year = 1998-
url = http://www-etcsl.orient.ox.ac.uk/
title = The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature.
publisher = Oxford
*F. Johansen, "Statues of Gudea, ancient and modern". "Mesopotamia" 6, 1978.
*A. Parrot, "Tello, vingt campagnes des fouilles (1877-1933)". (Paris 1948).
*N.K. Sandars, "Introduction" page 16, "The Epic of Gilgamesh", Penguin, 1972.
*H. Steible, "Versuch einer Chronologie der Statuen des Gudea von Lagas". "Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft" 126 (1994), 81-104.
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